The Urdu language was born in northern India during the Mughal rule. Linguists and historians say Urdu and Hindi originally developed from Khadi Boli, a dialect of the Delhi region, and Prakrit. It also borrowed heavily from Persian, Turkish and Arabic languages. Until the British colonised the subcontinent, Urdu and Hindu languages were collectively referred to as Hindustani.
It was British linguist John Gilchrist who for the first time classified and defined Hindustani into two broad categories — words inspired largely by Persian and Arabic were identified as Urdu, and those inspired by Sanskrit became Hindi.
However, spoken Urdu is similar to Hindi and the two share a common grammar and a large percentage of their vocabulary. The Hindutva project sees Urdu as a 'Muslim' language. And invisibilising Urdu is part of the larger project of marginalising the Muslim community. A large number of Urdu poets and writers wrote film scripts, songs and dialogues. After the FabIndia controversy, many social media users shared memes featuring popular Bollywood dialogues and songs, replacing their Urdu words with Hindi counterparts in an attempt to showcase that the effect is not the same.
His behavior says much about the way Modi has weaponized history and valorized and incentivized hate. Nearly two million people have been disenfranchised in the state, with no clarity as to what is to happen to them. The closest regional parallel to such large-scale, government-dictated statelessness in recent times was the mass disenfranchisement of the Rohingya in Myanmar, before the massacres and exodus years later.
And it is only the beginning. In next-door Bengal, which borders Bangladesh and is home to nearly 25 million Muslims, the BJP has been promising an Assam-like citizenship verification drive if it comes to power in the state. Uttar Pradesh, along with Assam, has introduced a two-child policy blaming Muslims for a supposedly runaway population growth that officials say accounts for the backwardness of these states. The claim is not rooted in reality.
Fertility rates among Muslims have in fact been falling rapidly. But reality is no longer important. The foundations of the secular republic that Gandhi died defending are thus being hollowed out ever more frantically. Modi himself partly owes his fan following and ascent to his lack of remorse over the pogroms in Gujarat in , when he was chief minister. Hundreds of Muslims were killed and thousands rendered homeless.
He also carried on with the eviction drive and even proudly tweeted photos of the rubble of the four mosques destroyed in it. So have the standards of acceptable discourse in public and social life. Genocide is now openly demanded at public rallies. Other options. Close drawer menu Financial Times International Edition. Search the FT Search. World Show more World. US Show more US. Companies Show more Companies. His journey began when he decided to read the Quran, which strengthened his calling towards Islam.
He would secretly offer namaz. The same applied for fasting during Ramzan. While all this pushed him closer to Allah, he would be far away from his family, even while living in the same house as them.
As his family began to notice changes in his behavioural patterns, they kept a close watch on him. Even members of the society he lived in began keeping tabs on them. In , when conflicts aggravated, the family disowned Shadab. He was After this, he was unemployed, unfed and slept on roads, park benches and on the stairs of closed shops. Shadab converted to Islam in a local mosque soon after.
After being ousted from his home, he was sheltered by a Muslim friend who he now considers family.
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